Every candidate on your ballot has to raise money from somewhere. Enter your address to see who's funding the people who represent you, then learn how the whole system works, including the money nobody has to disclose at all.
Works for any Georgia address. We'll find your Georgia State House district, Georgia State Senate district, U.S. House district, U.S. Senate race, and Georgia statewide offices, then pull real fundraising totals for each. Every one of Georgia's 180 House and 56 Senate races is covered.
Your address is sent only to the U.S. Census Bureau's public geocoder to determine your districts. It is not stored or sent anywhere else. ·
Georgia, statewide (both U.S. Senators represent the whole state)
These apply to every Georgia voter, not just people in your districts.
Georgia and federal law treat each category differently: some are capped, some are unlimited, some are reported by the candidate, and some are reported only by the outside spender. In most cases the money in the categories below is publicly reported somewhere, but not always in the same place or with the same level of donor detail. Part Two covers money that isn't reported at all.
Money given directly by a person, out of their own pocket. This is the most common source of campaign money and the most tightly regulated. Donors above itemization thresholds and contribution totals are public record; very small-dollar contributions may appear as unitemized totals rather than donor-by-donor entries.
Georgia caps individual gifts at $3,300 per election for state legislative candidates (primary and general count separately, so a donor can give up to $6,600 across a full cycle) and $8,400 per election for governor. Federal candidates are capped at $3,500 per election by the FEC.
A PAC pools money from many donors: a union, a trade association, a corporation's employees, an advocacy group, and gives it to candidates as a single contribution. "Connected" PACs are tied to a specific company or organization; "non-connected" PACs raise from the general public around an issue or ideology.
In Georgia state and local races, PAC contributions to candidates are generally subject to the same per-election limits as individual contributions.
State and county party committees (e.g., the Democratic Party of Georgia, Catoosa County GOP) can contribute directly to candidates, and often provide staff, data, and infrastructure support that shows up as in-kind giving.
Candidates can give or loan their own campaign unlimited money. This is disclosed like any other contribution, but it isn't capped the way outside donations are: a wealthy candidate can simply write their own check.
Not every contribution is cash. Free venue space, printing services, a donated email list, or staff time donated at below fair-market value all count as in-kind contributions, valued in dollars and counted against the same limits as a cash gift.
Money spent independently to support or oppose a candidate by someone outside the campaign entirely: a PAC, a super PAC, a party committee, a nonprofit, a corporation, a union, or another group buying ads or mailers without coordinating with the campaign. The campaign itself never touches this money and doesn't have to report it. The spender does, but only their own report shows it, not the candidate's.
This is legally required to be uncoordinated: no strategy discussions, no shared vendors, no advance notice to the campaign. In practice, that line can be very hard to enforce.
"Dark money" isn't necessarily illegal; it works because U.S. tax and election law lets certain kinds of organizations spend on politics without ever naming their donors, as long as they follow a few structural rules.
The most common dark-money vehicle. These nonprofits can engage in some political activity as long as it isn't their "primary" activity. The IRS has never defined a clean bright-line percentage test, so many practitioners talk about staying under roughly half of total spending as a rule of thumb, not a guaranteed safe harbor. Donors are never made public.
Labor unions (c5) and trade associations / chambers of commerce (c6) can also be used as dark-money vehicles: their underlying members and funders are generally not disclosed the way candidate donors are, even though the organization's own election-related spending may still trigger separate campaign-finance reporting. Funded by member dues rather than public donations.
Super PACs (independent expenditure committees) can raise and spend unlimited money and must legally disclose their donors. But when the donor listed is itself a 501(c)(4) or a shell LLC, the trail stops there, and the super PAC's disclosure is technically complete while the real source stays hidden.
An LLC can contribute to a super PAC like any other entity. In states like Delaware, Nevada, New Mexico, and Wyoming, an LLC can be formed without ever naming its owners in public records, making it a clean pass-through for a donor who doesn't want to be identified.
These run two bank accounts at once: one as a traditional, contribution-limited PAC giving directly to candidates, and a second as an independent-expenditure account that can accept unlimited contributions. The traditional side is capped and disclosed; the independent-expenditure account still has its own reporting obligations, but the dark-money problem arises when the donor it reports is itself another opaque entity, like a 501(c)(4) or shell LLC.
A 2021 Georgia law lets the sitting Governor, Lt. Governor, and each party's nominee for those offices form a "leadership committee" that is explicitly exempt from the state's contribution limits: donors can give unlimited amounts, and the committee can spend unlimited amounts supporting candidates. This system is under active constitutional challenge. In a case involving Lt. Gov. Burt Jones's leadership committee, a federal district court issued a preliminary injunction in February 2026, and the Eleventh Circuit Court of Appeals affirmed that injunction on June 12, 2026, agreeing the arrangement's selective fundraising advantage was likely unconstitutional. The statute itself remains on the books, but this area is legally unsettled.
Georgia candidates, mostly local ones, who don't expect to raise or spend more than $2,500 total can file a one-page "Affidavit of Intent Not to Exceed $2,500," rather than an itemized disclosure report. That means for a large share of local races, there may be no itemized public campaign-finance report showing who gave what unless the candidate crosses the threshold.
| Contributor | To a State Legislative Candidate | To a Gubernatorial Candidate | To a Leadership Committee |
|---|---|---|---|
| Individual | $3,300 / election | $8,400 / election | No limit |
| PAC | $3,300 / election | $8,400 / election | No limit |
| Candidate (self) | No limit | No limit | N/A |
"Per election" means the primary and general each count separately. A donor maxing out in both effectively gives double the listed figure over a full cycle. Figures under O.C.G.A. § 21-5-41, current as of the 2026 cycle; the state adjusts these periodically.
Three questions worth asking about any number you see, here or anywhere else:
Is this the candidate's own committee, or an outside group? A candidate's own fundraising total tells you what their campaign can spend on mail, ads, and staff. An outside group's spending is a different, uncapped pool of money entirely.
What time period does this cover? Georgia candidates file periodically (not continuously), so a total is always "as of" a specific report date, not real time.
Does this candidate even have to file a full report? Anyone under the $2,500 threshold may have filed only an exemption affidavit, meaning a "small" number might just mean "unreported," not "didn't raise much."